Product Description

The Audacity of Hope is Barack Obama's call for a new kind of politics—a politics that builds upon those shared understandings that pull us together as Americans. Lucid in his vision of America's place in the world, refreshingly candid about his family life and his time in the Senate, Obama here sets out his political convictions and inspires us to trust in the dogged optimism that has long defined us and that is our best hope going forward.

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Product Details

• Amazon Sales Rank: #1848 in Books
• Published on: 2008-07-15
• Released on: 2008-07-15
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Binding: Mass Market Paperback
• 464 pages

Features

• ISBN13: 9780307455871
• Condition: NEW
• Notes: Brand New from Publisher. No Remainder Mark.
• Click here to view our Condition Guide and Shipping Prices

Amazon.com Review
Barack Obama's first book, Dreams from My Father, was a compelling and moving memoir focusing on personal issues of race, identity, and community. With his second book The Audacity of Hope, Obama engages themes raised in his keynote speech at the 2004 Democratic National Convention, shares personal views on faith and values and offers a vision of the future that involves repairing a "political process that is broken" and restoring a government that has fallen out of touch with the people. We had the opportunity to ask Senator Obama a few questions about writing, reading, and politics--see his responses below. --Daphne Durham

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20 Second Interview: A Few Words with Barack Obama

Q: How did writing a book that you knew would be read so closely by so many compare to writing your first book, when few people knew who you were?
A: In many ways, Dreams from My Father was harder to write. At that point, I wasn't even sure that I could write a book. And writing the first book really was a process of self-discovery, since it touched on my family and my childhood in a much more intimate way. On the other hand, writing The Audacity of Hope paralleled the work that I do every day--trying to give shape to all the issues that we face as a country, and providing my own personal stamp on them.

Q: What is your writing process like? You have such a busy schedule, how did you find time to write?
A: I'm a night owl, so I usually wrote at night after my Senate day was over, and after my family was asleep--from 9:30 p.m. or so until 1 a.m. I would work off an outline--certain themes or stories that I wanted to tell--and get them down in longhand on a yellow pad. Then I'd edit while typing in what I'd written.

Q: If readers are to come away from The Audacity of Hope with one action item (a New Year's Resolution for 2007, perhaps?), what should it be?
A: Get involved in an issue that you're passionate about. It almost doesn’t matter what it is--improving the school system, developing strategies to wean ourselves off foreign oil, expanding health care for kids. We give too much of our power away, to the professional politicians, to the lobbyists, to cynicism. And our democracy suffers as a result.

Q: You're known for being able to work with people across ideological lines. Is that possible in today's polarized Washington?
A: It is possible. There are a lot of well-meaning people in both political parties. Unfortunately, the political culture tends to emphasize conflict, the media emphasizes conflict, and the structure of our campaigns rewards the negative. I write about these obstacles in chapter 4 of my book, "Politics." When you focus on solving problems instead of scoring political points, and emphasize common sense over ideology, you'd be surprised what can be accomplished. It also helps if you're willing to give other people credit--something politicians have a hard time doing sometimes.

Q: How do you make people passionate about moderate and complex ideas?
A: I think the country recognizes that the challenges we face aren't amenable to sound-bite solutions. People are looking for serious solutions to complex problems. I don't think we need more moderation per se--I think we should be bolder in promoting universal health care, or dealing with global warming. We just need to understand that actually solving these problems won't be easy, and that whatever solutions we come up with will require consensus among groups with divergent interests. That means everybody has to listen, and everybody has to give a little. That's not easy to do.

Q: What has surprised you most about the way Washington works?
A: How little serious debate and deliberation takes place on the floor of the House or the Senate.

Q: You talk about how we have a personal responsibility to educate our children. What small thing can the average parent (or person) do to help improve the educational system in America? What small thing can make a big impact?
A: Nothing has a bigger impact than reading to children early in life. Obviously we all have a personal obligation to turn off the TV and read to our own children; but beyond that, participating in a literacy program, working with parents who themselves may have difficulty reading, helping their children with their literacy skills, can make a huge difference in a child's life.

Q: Do you ever find time to read? What kinds of books do you try to make time for? What is on your nightstand now?
A: Unfortunately, I had very little time to read while I was writing. I'm trying to make up for lost time now. My tastes are pretty eclectic. I just finished Marilynne Robinson’s Gilead, a wonderful book. The language just shimmers. I've started Team of Rivals by Doris Kearns Goodwin, which is a great study of Lincoln as a political strategist. I read just about anything by Toni Morrison, E.L. Doctorow, or Philip Roth. And I've got a soft spot for John le Carre.

Q: What inspires you? How do you stay motivated?
A: I'm inspired by the people I meet in my travels--hearing their stories, seeing the hardships they overcome, their fundamental optimism and decency. I'm inspired by the love people have for their children. And I'm inspired by my own children, how full they make my heart. They make me want to work to make the world a little bit better. And they make me want to be a better man.

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From Publishers Weekly
Ilinois's Democratic senator illuminates the constraints of mainstream politics all too well in this sonorous manifesto. Obama (Dreams from My Father) castigates divisive partisanship (especially the Republican brand) and calls for a centrist politics based on broad American values. His own cautious liberalism is a model: he's skeptical of big government and of Republican tax cuts for the rich and Social Security privatization; he's prochoice, but respectful of prolifers; supportive of religion, but not of imposing it. The policy result is a tepid Clintonism, featuring tax credits for the poor, a host of small-bore programs to address everything from worker retraining to teen pregnancy, and a health-care program that resembles Clinton's Hillary-care proposals. On Iraq, he floats a phased but open-ended troop withdrawal. His triangulated positions can seem conflicted: he supports free trade, while deploring its effects on American workers (he opposed the Central American Free Trade Agreement), in the end hoping halfheartedly that more support for education, science and renewable energy will see the economy through the dilemmas of globalization. Obama writes insightfully, with vivid firsthand observations, about politics and the compromises forced on politicians by fund-raising, interest groups, the media and legislative horse-trading. Alas, his muddled, uninspiring proposals bear the stamp of those compromises. (Oct. 17)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From The Washington Post
Why, just two years after being elected to the Senate, has Barack Obama set so many Democratic -- and some Republican -- imaginations on fire? The Illinois Democrat is certainly a magnetic speaker who delivers original phrases in composed yet passionate tones. His life, as told in the powerful memoir Dreams From My Father, seems a model for the globalized future: The only child of a biracial, bicontinental union, he grew up in Hawaii and Indonesia, then went on to become a community organizer in Chicago and the first black editor of the Harvard Law Review. And his athletic good looks have landed him on the cover of a major fashion magazine, with a spread by Annie Leibovitz. Not since John F. Kennedy has a junior senator so quickly become a national celebrity and a possible candidate for the White House.

But what's most impressive about Obama, 45, is an intelligence that his new book displays in abundance. He articulates a mode of liberalism that sounds both highly pragmatic and deeply moral. The Audacity of Hope -- the title comes from a sermon by his Chicago pastor -- trumpets no unifying theme or grand theory about how the American dream will be reclaimed and by whom. Chapters bear such prosaic titles as "Values," "Opportunity" and "Faith." But in a disarmingly modest way, Obama offers a more sensible perspective on "how we might begin the process of changing our politics and our civic life" than his more seasoned Capitol Hill colleagues have provided.

Take the problem of the big money that is indispensable to winning a statewide or national campaign. Unlike most Democrats, Obama does not dwell on the corrupt antics of the convicted lobbyist Jack Abramoff and his friends. His concern is about a more serious and enduring threat to democracy: class inequality. During his own Senate race in 2004, Obama had to spend a good deal of time with "law firm partners and investment bankers, hedge fund managers and venture capitalists." Most of these donors, he acknowledges, were "smart, interesting people" who asked for no specific favors. Still, they couldn't help but express "the perspectives of their class." Their wealth prevented them from understanding loyal members of labor unions, evangelical churches or the NRA. As firm believers in a meritocracy, the donors implicitly denied that "there might be any social ill that could not be cured by a high SAT score." Lawmakers who routinely move in such circles, Obama adds, tend to neglect "the world of immediate hunger, disappointment, fear, irrationality, and frequent hardship of the other 99 percent of the population -- that is, the people that I'd entered public life to serve."

That willingness to criticize his own well-heeled supporters stems partly from Obama's years of work with the working poor. It reflects a desire to transcend accusations and talking points and to offer a fresh look at undeniable but seemingly insoluble problems. Thus Obama agrees with conservatives who argue that teen motherhood and the glorification of "gangsta life" help keep young blacks from escaping the ghetto. But as an African American, he also recognizes each violent criminal as a cousin or brother who was not preordained to go wrong. "African Americans understand that culture matters but that culture is shaped by circumstance," he observes, and the longer policymakers and the middle-class public ignore inner-city poverty or try to explain it away, the more endemic it becomes. To address the problem, Obama recommends a bundle of pragmatic policies that would draw both on public funds and the initiative of local businesses: low-cost child-care centers, neighborhood health clinics, job programs for ex-felons.

Obama's own experiences also help him illuminate the root causes of anti-Americanism abroad. During his time in Indonesia, the archipelago was at the beginning of an oil-generated boom that spread prosperity, unevenly, throughout the islands. The United States had helped install Sukarno, a military dictator, after a bloodbath that claimed at least an estimated 500,000 lives. But once the Indonesian economy collapsed in the 1990s, militant Islamists were able to gain a hearing for their diatribes against modernist culture and American power. For Obama, this new "land of strangers" serves as a lesson about the way that U.S. influence -- cultural, economic and military -- has both uplifted and angered the world, in roughly equal measure. He also points out that most Americans can't find Indonesia on a map.

Throughout the book, Obama strikes similar ethical chords. He credits President Reagan's "clarity about communism" but regrets that it "seemed matched by his blindness regarding other sources of misery in the world." He endorses marriage workshops and shudders at the explicit lyrics of some rap songs, but he opposes legal restrictions on intimate behavior. "Perhaps I just find the ways of the human heart too various, and my own life too imperfect, to believe myself qualified to serve as anyone's moral arbiter," he writes, echoing Jesus's judgment that only those without sin should cast the first stone.

Obama's knack for mixing stirring rhetoric about good and evil with practical policy ideas is rare in the modern history of U.S. politics. At times, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Kennedy and Reagan managed the feat. But none of these men wrote his own presidential speeches. Nor did Kennedy or Reagan really write the books that carry their names. In contrast, The Audacity of Hope is clearly Obama's own creation; the rhythms, the self-deprecating humor and the graceful transitions all resemble those in his memoir.

The sentimentality does, too. His book concludes with a vignette that could be entitled "Mr. Obama Goes to Washington." On fine evenings, the senator likes to take a run down the Mall and end up inside the Lincoln Memorial. He reads the two greatest, and perhaps shortest, speeches ever written and delivered by an American president and reflects on Martin Luther King Jr.'s "mighty cadence" that thrilled a massive crowd a century later. "My heart is filled," Obama writes, "with love for this country." The story, like the original by Frank Capra, is a bit hard to believe. (Does the senator really pore over the words of the Second Inaugural and the Gettsyburg Address on every visit?) Of course, the policies Obama favors are far less audacious than Lincoln's destruction of the slave system or King's crusade to abolish the Jim Crow order that replaced it. Still, in our lowdown, dispiriting era, Obama's talent for proposing humane, sensible solutions with uplifting, elegant prose does fill one with hope. Someday, it may even help him get elected president.

Reviewed by Michael Kazin
Copyright 2006, The Washington Post. All Rights Reserved.

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Customer Reviews

A conservative reviews Senator Obama's latest book ....
All too often here on Amazon, we review only those books and authors with which we totally agree...or totally disagree...and give little regard to the quality of the actual contents of the book. And then, our fellow Amazon viewers come along and rate our reviews strictly on the basis of their own partisan biases. This is not very helpful.

I set out to read and review Senator Barack Obama's latest book, not because I agree with everything he has to say, but because in some ways, I had respected him because he seemed to be a thoughtful and eloquent American with a compelling story. I give the book 4 stars for style and significance in our culture, but much less for substance.

The Senator has a generally warm and inviting style of communicating that portrays himself as an agent of change in American politics. In terms of writing style, THE AUDACITY OF HOPE is a good, though sometimes "preachy" read; at times, it seems a bit too earnest or striving for political correctness. Obama deserves credit for being able to discuss his values and faith in a manner that is more comfortable than many of his political contemporaries. And, in the book, he does a reasonable job of articulating why and how his faith and values cause him to think and act in the way that he does.

At times, the reader may wonder if he is too ambitious - or even naive. One can respect his energy and commitment to change, even as one firmly disagrees with his policies and plans.

And, I certainly do take issue with some of the Senator's actual policies and worldview that he discusses. His health care plans may sound noble, but they would likely lead to significantly decreased quality and choice for most Americans and soaring taxes and budget deficits...big government at its worst. Furthermore, given the overall poor performance of government in other programs, do you really want government managing your health care? Another issue: while I do believe there is strong evidence to suggest a warming in the earth's climate, Senator Obama and I would disagree on the primary causes and "cures" for this warming. I don't believe that cutting taxes for those who pay taxes (aka "the rich") is unfair; I may go so far as to say that Obama's affinity for radical and government-forced redistribution of wealth reeks of socialism (though it's socialism masked by a warm smile). Another point: I don't believe that a "pro-choice" position offers adequate choice for the unborn child; Obama's rhetoric in the book is moderate, but his voting record on abortion is extreme. Some of his associations are troubling, particularly with some radicals who seem to have shaped a significant portion of his worldview and helped launch his career.

I do agree with Senator Obama that America must overcome our addiction to foreign oil, though his opposition to many reasonable remedies is curious. I do agree that more emphasis needs to be placed on strengthening families and upholding traditional values; on reducing teen pregnancy and the root causes of poverty. However, it is difficult to align many of Obama's expressed ideas here with the numerous radical and ridiculous statements of Obama's pastor, Rev. Jeremiah Wright - a man who preached one sermon that inspired the title of this book.

Senator Obama's stated efforts to transcend partisanship are laudable, but it would be helpful if he acknowledged that partisanship is not only the province of "right wing Republicans" but also a staple of many of his Democratic brethren.

In the meantime, whether one is a "conservative" or a "liberal," there is much to gain in terms of insight into one of the most significant individuals on the American political stage today by reading this book.

Mr Obama Goes To Washington
This book contains the thoughts and observations of a new Senator in Washington. The book will become a valuable resource for historians because of its accurate observations on the national political scene in the 2nd term of the 2nd George Bush. This book does not represent the finished political philosophy of Barack Obama but it sketches the rough thinking of the man as he began his national career. Which may indeed make this book a milestone in the evolution of the American Republic.

It is not as fine a book as DREAMS OF MY FATHER. That kind of soul-searching can be done only once. That book indeed was a coming of age saga as a young man searched for his rightful place in the world. This is the words of the same man, now older and launched, who having found the right place now seeks for the right lever to move the world. One will not find ideology here, only the thoughts of a pragmatic man meditating on what he finds and how it ought to be.

Like many people I read this book for clues as to what direction this ambitious politician would take were his ambitions be realized. I found nothing that alarmed me but nothing to hang a label on either. Then in the middle of the book, the author speaks of his mother: her lack of faith in organized religions, her passion for justice, her appreciation for the wonder of life. This section begins on page 202 of the first edition hardback and at the bottom of the page 205 I found my answer:

"My fierce ambitions might have been fueled by my father--by my knowledge of his achievements and failures, by my unspoken desire to somehow earn his love...But it was my mother's fundamental faith--in the goodness of people and in the ultimate value of this brief life we've each been given--that channeled those ambitions. It was in search of confirmation of her values that I studied political philosophy, looking for both a language and systems of action that could help build community and make justice real. And it was in search of some practical application of those values that I accepted work after college as a community organizer for a group of churches..."

That statement puts Barack Obama squarely in the mainstream of American thought--our history is full of such idealists and ideas for forming a more perfect union. The great strength of the American experiment is that it produces such men and women, every so often, to renew the tapestry of our public life. As of this writing, we do not know if Senator Obama will succeed in his effort to become President, but from this reading it is apparent that he will be affecting the course of American political life for years to come.

How Politics Should Work
"The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream" is Barack Obama's second book, and it is his personal view of the direction that the United States needs to move in terms of the type of politics we practice. It is not a look at whether one should be liberal or conservative--though he certainly does speak to the liberal positions better than the conservative ones; but rather about moving away from the divisive politics which have become the norm in recent years. The book is only nine chapters long, as Senator Obama goes into some depth of his thinking in a variety of areas.

The first chapter, titled "Republicans and Democrats", covers the recent political history which he feels has led to the divisive nature of politics today. He discusses the difference between the last generation of politicians who could disagree with those in the other party, and yet still respect those people, as well as the institutions and the history of those institutions and offices. He links some of this to the common shared experience of World War II which united many of the members in armed services, and nearly all of them in terms of shared experience.

I agree with this, but I think he leaves out several other key factors. The length of the election cycle now has political attacks happening nearly all the time. The fear which has often served to unite the country (civil war, World War I, depression, World War II, Cold War, and terrorism) has been tapped as a device to be used against the other political party (by both parties). The newer generation of politicians still has the common shared experiences of their lives, but they are much more aware of how to use fear (among other devices) to gain money and power.

The advantage of reading this book during Obama's presidential run is that one can compare his words with his action. Most would agree that both McCain and Obama turn to the "fear" tactic less than most politicians. Both pledged to run different types of campaigns, and both have compromised on their principles in this area. The clip of McCain being booed by his own supporters for trying to quiet some of the critical comments which he and Governor Palin helped promote is one which will stay with me for a lifetime. Obama too has been much too negative on McCain, and attempting to use the fear of Bush to taint McCain.

The second chapter "Values", covers what he feels are common values to all Americans, and which might help bridge the divide between the parties. This is an interesting chapter and it speaks to Obama's general tendency to try to unite rather than divide. The world often views Republicans and Democrats as largely the same, though certainly we see them as very different. This chapter helps provide the reader with the perspective that others view us, that of as being largely the same, with many shared values and hopes and dreams. The people who make up both parties love this country, the "truths" which were the foundation of our independence from England, and the Constitution and its amendments which form the framework of what our country is.

Chapter three, "Our Constitution", is a closer look at the United States Constitution and how it can be used as common ground for moving forward. Also included in this chapter is a discussion of the senate and the filibuster, which became something of a controversy when the Republicans discussed eliminating it to achieve their goals during President George W. Bush's administration. Barack Obama also does an excellent job of discussing the issue of the Supreme Court and the differing positions on "original intent". Key to his argument is the fallacy that the original intent of the founding fathers can ever be determined, and key to that argument is the fact that the founders themselves disagreed about the intent before the ink was dry.

Chapter four, "Politics" is about the institutional forces, such as the media and interest groups that seem to be pulling the sides even further apart. Issues become increasingly politicized, making rational debate and discussion difficult if not impossible. Perhaps one of the most interesting points he makes is that he benefited from mostly positive press coverage in his election to the Senate. While is opponents suffered from scandals hurting their image, he indicates that many people feel that he never faced real scrutiny. This perception has also followed him into the Presidential race, where several reports have shown that McCain has faced far more negative stories as a percentage than Obama has.

These first four chapters are the core of the book and the foundation on which the last five chapters address from different perspectives. In each of these first four chapters Obama gives us some insight into his successful campaign for the U.S. Senate, as well as his other elections and how he navigated the rapids, sometimes more successfully than others. He also deals with what he feels are the dangers of continuing down the same path of divisiveness which the parties have been headed down since the end of the Cold War, though most of his focus is on the way the current administration has handled things since he came to the Senate in 2004.

Chapter five, "Opportunity", is a look at his own opportunities as well as those of others. For himself, he looks at how the decisions he has made have either moved him away from his constituency, or closer to them. He looks at the use of private jets in both a positive and negative light. He talks about his meetings with groups as diverse as the founders of Google and the union-leaders who were about to see the jobs leave for overseas. The opportunities of others are focused on jobs, and he presents a short history of the private sector and discusses it in relation to the current climate. He does not pretend that globalization can (or should) be stopped, but he does push for a new "economic consensus" and the need for education. His views here have stayed consistent; though have become more defined, during his run for the Presidency.

Chapter six, "Faith", looks at faith and its role in politics. Depending on your viewpoint, you may feel that he is giving the standard Democratic responses, or you may feel that he providing something new, at least in part. For myself, it is the latter view. He opens the chapter with a story about a doctor who is pro-life and who expresses his disappointment about the abortion view stated on Obama's web site, not because Obama is pro-choice, but because the statement portrayed all those who were pro-life as ideologues. The story is powerful, and Obama's response to it sets him apart from those who give the knee-jerk pro-choice response. Fundamentally, Obama recognizes that virtually everyone would like to see fewer abortions; i.e. that we all would like to see the conditions which result in a woman being forced to make such a choice reduced. There are many of us who are not ideologues for either the pro-choice or pro-life positions who would like to build on this common ground. That particular story has become somewhat famous, but this chapter has another story along the same lines, where Obama talks about how he had stated that his faith led him to the conclusion that marriage was between a man and woman, and those same-sex couples could have equal rights, but that it shouldn't be called marriage. He discusses how a young woman was offended by this, because by saying that it came from his faith, implied that he felt that same-sex couples were "bad people". Of course, Obama has not changed his view on whether same-sex marriage should be allowed, but one does wonder how that community views his position there, and if they still feel he is looking at them as "bad people".

Chapter seven, "Race", is the one which I found the most interesting. One of the most important insights in this area, is his understanding that "white guilt has largely exhausted itself in America" and the implications that has for society and race relations. Also very interesting was his discussion of Mac Alexander, a black business man who was doing his best to restore his neighborhood, and his observations and experiences with regards to having jobs for young men from these areas. There is a perception in some areas that drug dealing is the occupation of choice, rather than necessity. His experiences in this area would seem to disprove that. He has no shortage of applicants for jobs starting at $8.00 per hour. This chapter also looks at the changing dynamics between Blacks and Latinos in the Chicago area. His discussion of the move from the war on poverty, to the anger over welfare is also very insightful and worth reading.

Chapter eight, "The World beyond Our Borders", starts with a look at Indonesia, a country in which he spent some of his youth. He discusses the changes there, political, economic, and cultural and the change in attitude towards the U.S. and the west as well as the change in our perception of Indonesia. He uses this as an example to launch a more general discussion of the change in attitudes of the U.S. towards the rest of the world and vice-versa. This then moves into a discussion of the post-9/11 world, and what Obama feels the needs are for the United States to pursue globally. He talks about the need and the benefits to the United States to follow international law, and not act as if such laws are for everyone other than the United States.

Chapter nine, "Family", focuses on family issues, and features stories both from Obama's childhood as well as the issues facing his family with Michelle and their two girls Malia and Sasha. He relates his issues with those facing most families, i.e. education, budget, time, and once again looks for areas of common ground on which to build. Many of these issues were touched upon in other areas of the book, as there is a tremendous amount of overlap between family, faith, and the other areas.

Barack Obama does a very good job of using personal examples from his life and the lives of those he is close to and using them to highlight key issues which face many Americans. I like his approach of looking for common ground, and one can only hope that he should use that approach to governing should he be elected President. There is little doubt that conservatives will take issue with many of his approaches to dealing with the issues that American's face, but they may find that they have at least some agreement on the overall goals and respect for his approach. I preferred this book to his first one, as I feel his writing improved. It also contains a discussion of issues which face all of us.