Product Description

Since the original publication of this classic book in 1979, Roosevelt's foreign policy has come under attack on three main points: Was Roosevelt responsible for the confrontation with Japan that led to the attack at Pearl Harbor? Did Roosevelt "give away" Eastern Europe to Stalin and the U.S.S.R. at Yalta? And, most significantly, did Roosevelt abandon Europe's Jews to the Holocaust, making no direct effort to aid them?

In a new Afterword to his definitive history, Dallek vigorously and brilliantly defends Roosevelt's policy. He emphasizes how Roosevelt operated as a master politician in maintaining a national consensus for his foreign policy throughout his presidency and how he brilliantly achieved his policy and military goals.

Product Details

• Amazon Sales Rank: #309233 in Books
• Published on: 1995-05-25
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Binding: Paperback
• 688 pages

Review

"A dazzling narrative...elegant...history on the grandest scale, embracing a world-wide cast of characters and all the continents....All the heroes and villains of the day before yesterday are alive again in these pages--particularly Churchill, Stalin, DeGaulle, and Chiang."--New York Times Book Review
"A book that will become a landmark in its field, indispensable to scholars and critical to our understanding of American foreign policy."--The New Republic

About the Author
Robert Dallek is at University of California, Los Angeles (Emeritus).

Customer Reviews

Leadership Style of the 20th Century's Greatest President
In one volume, Robert Dallek has attempted to counter the vast amount of printed material covering Franklin D. Roosevelt's domestic policies during the 1930's and 1940's. The result is a mammoth effort that sheds light on the enormous pressures Roosevelt faced both at home and abroad during the turbulent decades when the world struggled to emerge from the shambles of a Great Depression, and prepare itself for a global conflict. Dallek argues that most historians do not fully understand the nature of Roosevelt's foreign policy. Dallek also claims that researchers tend to focus on FDR's shortcomings without emphasizing the constraints with which he was forced to work. Dallek's main purpose is to highlight the continual dilemmas Roosevelt faced in an effort to always strive for balance and compromise between public opinion and foreign affairs. FDR realized the need to break the country away from isolationism and place it in the global arena, both economically and politically, while at the same time facing the growing threat from the Axis powers. Though Dallek is noted as a gifted narrator, it is Roosevelt's leadership style,criticized as somewhat unorthodox,and the many quandaries in which he prevailed that provides the strength of Dallek's book. Dallek chose a ridged chronological format, which he maintained throughout the book. The chronological methodology in essential to enable the reader to understand the patterns that emerged within Roosevelt's style of leadership. For instance, rather than try to sway public opinion as to why the United States should supply aid to its allies or begin preparing for war, Roosevelt instead would allow the events then taking shape in Europe and Asia to speak for themselves to convince the American public. FDR's early foreign policy (1932-1935) was primarily centered on economic recovery. Roosevelt clearly understood that the Great Depression was a global problem. Roosevelt strove to reduce tariffs, improve trade and stabilize the dollar with foreign currencies. He has been widely criticized for going off the gold standard and blamed for the failure of the London Economic Conference. Dallek states, however, that Roosevelt clearly achieved two very important underlying objectives: First, domestic economic recovery must take priority over foreign affairs This belief was evident in the many Hundred Days policies that FDR implemented. Second, Dallek argues that Roosevelt's main goal was at best to "restore a measure of faith in international cooperation." Roosevelt was always aware of his limitations. Dallek believes that the years 1935-1939 was the most important period in Roosevelt's foreign policy. During this time, Roosevelt faced many obstacles. Dubbed an "Idealist" for his efforts towards disarmament and United States participation in the World Court, FDR was also criticized as being naïve in his reactions to the aggressive actions of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Dallek diligently describes how FDR's hands were tied by the very nature of the Neutrality Acts, pressure from Isolationists, student peace activists, and religious groups, particularly Catholics at home. The events of World War II exposed yet more criticisms upon Roosevelt's handling of foreign affairs. In a new Afterword (1995), Dallek explains some of the legitimate critiques as well as some of the ludicrous claims concerning FDR's handling of the war. Dallek disregards the revisionist view that Roosevelt knew of, or allowed the Japanese to attack Pearl Harbor as an excuse to draw the United States into the war. Some revisionists even propose the existence of a British conspiracy to lure the United States into the war. Dallek points out there are even those that claim British pilots flying planes with Japanese markings took part in the attack on Pearl Harbor. Dallek praises Roosevelt as a visionary, accurately predicting a world view he never lived to see. Dallek disagrees with the "naïveté" Roosevelt exhibited at Yalta, claiming FDR did not sell out Eastern Europe to Stalin. Dallek dismisses this as a myth, claiming Roosevelt clearly understood the price for 20 million Russian killed during World War II would be Eastern Europe. Dallek also defends Roosevelt's decision to back the doomed Chiang Kai-shek regime in China. Dallek believes FDR knew that someday China would be a dominant world power and although he felt that democracy in both China and the Soviet Union were unlikely, he hoped for eventual global cooperation between the superpowers. Dallek harshest criticism of Roosevelt's tenure is the interment of Japanese-Americans. This book offers the reader valuable insight into the complex problems facing Roosevelt's decision-making processes on the eve of World War II. For this reason, Dallek's work holds a valued place in political and historical literature.

An Excellent Account
An excellent account of U.S. foreign policy as waged by the Great Man Roosevelt. There are details in this book which are not found in others. Dallek is not regurgitating other writer's viewpoints. All points are lucidly explained - for instance Roosevelt's dealing's with Chaing Kai-shek and his cabinet member's - Cordell Hull, Sumner Welles...
The enormous opposition Roosevelt faced from isolationists is discussed at length. No one can doubt after reading this how short-sighted these people were in relation to the futuristic Roosevelt. Roosevelt was the rare politician who could project into the future. His vision was not just the short-term but the long view. In 1941 he triggered the second version of the United Nations during his meeting with Churchill off of Newfoundland. He was giving the world - like Nazi occupied Europe - an alternate and much more benevolent view.
The only omission I found was the Royal visit of the King and Queen of England to Washington and Hyde Park in the summer of 1939 - just prior to the outbreak of war. At the time this was another attempt by Roosevelt to bring Americans closer and more sympathetic to the building conflict in Europe.

Encyclopedic, Bancroft Prize-Winning Book on FDR's Foreign Policy
This encyclopedic book, winner of the Bancroft Prize, is the best single-volume book on Franklin Roosevelt's foreign policy. Roosevelt was a very clever leader and a master poker player. He possessed a large bag of techniques to obtain his goals. He understood the importance of public opinion and shifted from internationalist to nationalist to internationalist to idealist to realist to, ultimately, what Warren Kimball has described as Americanism: Active American foreign policy of American idealism merged with realistic pragmatism. Prior to FDR, America was isolationist.

FDR was skillful at seeing what was possible, what was impossible, and then finding a way politically to achieve some very extraordinary results - such as the defeat of Hitler, the end of American isolationism, and the permanent creation of an internationalist superpower America. Dallek describes FDR's methods as that of a kaleidoscope. You may have a hard time seeing the logic to the designs until you open it up and look at how it ingeniously works. FDR's leadership style was fascinating and impressive.

This book covers FDR's foreign policy - his aims, means, and results. Some of the highlights include the fact that FDR had to govern in an isolationist nation, which forced FDR to tactfully manage public opinion to deftly lead America out of isolationism and confront Hitler. Another highlight is FDR's close, but shrewd, relationship with Churchill. Another highlight is his effort to bring meaning to the war with his Four Freedoms and several excellent speeches. Another highlight is his Good Neighbor policy. Another highlight is his understanding that only a coalition would bring down Hitler and his deft moves to manage the coalition. Another is his subtle effort to undermine colonialism and forge a better post-war world. Another highlight is the complete and accurate story of his shrewd relationship with Stalin, debunking the Yalta myth.

One of Roosevelt's greatest foreign policy achievements was to tactfully bring an isolationist America into the fight against Hitler. He would take two steps forward and then one step back, always careful to never get too far ahead of public opinion, but moving it forward. Resistance to war was very strong after the unsavory aftermath of the First World War.

His ingenious Lend-Lease plan gave aid to Britain in a way that the public could accept - although with heated debate. He likened it to lending a hose to a friend with a house fire. He proposed this at great political risk, since opposition was heated and an election was approaching. But he won his policy and it was a landmark moment.

Roosevelt then sparred lightly with Hitler in the North Atlantic and semi-covertly ramped up his efforts to prepare for war. He also started getting tough with Japan, imposing tough embargo on Japan. Some have argued that FDR goaded Japan, which may or may not be true. But FDR did NOT know about the attack on Pearl Harbor, which Dallek makes clear. Once America was in the war, he decided that defeating Hitler should be the highest priority, despite national opinions wanting to defeat Japan first.

One of Roosevelt's most serious early problems was the absolute necessity of keeping USSR in the war against Hitler. USSR has absorbed the brunt of the war and millions of casualties. Stalin complained bitterly that America and Great Britain were doing almost nothing while USSR was thrashed by Germany, and there was a real threat that Stalin would simply give concessions to Hitler and make peace with Germany.

USSR lost over 20 million people in the war against Germany while the US lost only 400,000 fighting both Germany and Japan (295,000 actual combat casualties). Had Stalin made peace with Hitler, it would have been impossible to defeat Hitler without USSR's massive armies.

Stalin said that FDR and Churchill must launch a second front immediately to ease the pressure, while at the same time extending peace feelers to Germany. So FDR kept Stalin in the war through diplomacy at the famous Cairo and Tehran conferences by promising a second front, coordinating strategy and supplies, pouring on the charm, and issuing the critical declaration of unconditional surrender, which dispelled any fears of a secret peace agreement and the commitment to destroy Hitler. It also ensured that there would not be a failed peace caused by the armistice after the First World War.

FDR overruled his own generals by ordering the invasion of North Africa, which turned out to be a brilliant decision for many reasons, as Dallek details. The North African invasion is underrated. FDR and Churchill then invaded Italy, ensuring that it would be liberated by the democracies and not USSR.

Yet FDR and Churchill kept postponing the second-front invasion in France and instead attacked Nazi forces on the periphery in the Mediterranean. This angered Stalin, because it meant that USSR would continue to take the brunt of the war for longer. Here some seeds of the Cold War were planted.

Eventually D-Day was launched in France, although Churchill wanted to postpone it further. FDR simply outmaneuvered him and pushed the invasion forward - a great move.

Roosevelt also spent a lot of time planning for the post-war peace - a standard of achievement that others later in history, unfortunately, have not achieved. Roosevelt's vision of a free, stable world and a national forum called the U.N. was the best of all the war leaders. Churchill tried in vain to save the British Empire. Hitler wanted to rule the world for the master Aryan race. Stalin wanted to dominate Eastern Europe. It was Roosevelt who envisioned the Wilsonian ideals of freedom, national self-determination, and democracy, along with his own desire for international security - to prevent another world war catastrophe. Roosevelt had an idealistic vision but tempered it with reality.

At the end of the war, the reality is that whoever liberated a certain area would have influence over that area, which meant that USSR would influence the course of events in Eastern Europe because massive USSR armies controlled the region. USSR and made the largest sacrifice in the war, by far, and made the final bloodbath assault on Berlin, in which hundreds and hundreds of thousand of people were killed. FDR understood the political reality of USSR forces but shrewdly was able to extract concessions from Stalin - so much so that Stalin's advisor told him not to sign the Yalta agreement.

In Poland, Stalin said that it was "a matter of life and death" that USSR have influence in Poland. Stalin already had a puppet government installed in Poland . But FDR was shrewdly able to extract the concession from Stalin that the Polish government would be comprised half by the exiled, pro-Western government in London and half the current pro-Soviet government. FDR also shrewdly gained the concession that Poland was to have free elections, despite that fact that Stalin fully had Poland in his control. Also, the occupying forces were only to have temporary oversight in the occupied countries until they were to become independent. If you read the actual terms of the Yalta agreement - and please do actually read it - you see that they were very favorable to the West.

Then Stalin broke all his promises. He simply refused to abide by the concessions that he gave to FDR. The Yalta agreement was violated and null almost from the start. Presidents Truman and Eisenhower then were forced to face this reality. The only thing that could have been to do would have been to attack Poland and Eastern Europe, which I argue would have been an impossible situation.

Shortly before his death, there is considerable evidence that FDR was moving to a get-tough policy against Stalin, as this book mentions. Yalta was simply a test to see if Stalin would keep his word and honor his concessions. It was also a way for FDR to shrewdly make USSR look like the bad guys so America was not firing the first shot of the Cold War - the same strategy he did at the start of World War II. It was Stalin who violated the agreements and imposed himself on Eastern Europe in violation of the agreement. In one of his last official phone calls just hours before his death, FDR said, "We can't trust Stalin."

So FDR accomplished so much with his foreign policy. He orchestrated a coalition that brought down Hitler, while extracting what he could at the end of the war in a sneaky way. FDR's most important legacy, besides destroying Hitler, is his design for a better post-war world and the fact that there has not been a third world war - a great achievement. The world we live in today is, more than anyone else, the design of Franklin Roosevelt. He achieved so much because he could read situations so well and then operate shrewdly to realistically achieve what he could. Other failed leaders can only wish they had such skills and achievement.

J Paul Getty, the richest man in his time, once wrote something that I have never forgotten and that I think is very important for understanding executive success and greatness. He wrote that being able to understand what is possible and what is impossible is so important. Getty wrote that Napoleon was a talented and ambitious leader, but that his own monstrous ego and lack of proportion led to his downfall. He failed to see the impossibility of invading Russia and other factors. (The same with Hitler. He had many great successes, but his grandiose - and impossible - vision to enslave the world led to his defeat and the destruction of the Third Reich.) Getty wrote that Julius Caesar had more talent that Augustus Caesar, but Julius brought about his own downfall while Augustus made a much longer-lasting impact.

I think this insight by Getty is pure genius and describes why Franklin Roosevelt was such a great president - and of the greatest leaders in world history. Indeed, the Time 100 rates FDR the greatest political figure of the 20th Century. FDR maximized what he could while avoiding impossible disasters. Other failed leaders who have failed to be as thorough or tried to seek the impossible, only to get caught in a quagmire or outright defeated, can only wish they were as successful as Roosevelt.

For anyone interested in FDR's foreign policy I highly recommend this classic by Dallek, along with Black's "Champion of Freedom," Burns's "Soldier of Freedom," Langer's "The Challenge to Isolation," Greenfield's "America's Strategy in World War II," Kimball's "The Juggler" and Weinberg's excellent books on World War II, which emphasize the diplomatic and political aspects.